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Dhaka-Delhi Ties: ‘Imposed Treaties’ Cannot Bring Peace, Security

M. Shahidul Islam

The lopsided treaty of Versailles that was imposed upon Germany at the conclusion of the First World War brought Hitler to power and sparked another Great War two decades later. Likewise, the 25- year treaty of friendship which Delhi foisted upon Dhaka at the conclusion of the 1971 Indo-Pak war is liable for much of the bloody turmoil that had pulverized Bangladesh in the late 1970s, and continues to do so until now.


At least four different uneven treaties/agreements are being prepared for signing during the Indian PM Manmohan Singh's upcoming visit to Dhaka on September 6-7

It was only recently that Dhaka and Delhi have begun to look eye ball to eye ball. Yet, as if the lessons of history were meant to be brushed aside as nonsense, Bangladesh is once again turning into a satellite state. At least four different uneven treaties/agreements are being prepared for signing during the Indian PM Manmohan Singh’s upcoming visit to Dhaka on September 6-7. Excepting the Teesta water sharing agreement, of which little in specific is known as yet, all other agreements are uneven and detrimental to regional peace and stability.

Too much, too fast

Especially the transit deal has moved too fast, despite its onerous geopolitical and economic ramifications. The persistent brinkmanship since it first demanded in 2009 a slew of concessions from Dhaka have finally compelled Bangladesh to capitulate to unreasonable and unfair Indian demands.
While moving with a break-neck speed to secure transit/corridor through Bangladesh, Delhi has also decided to flood our streets with otherwise not-export-worthy Indian vehicles and locomotives, and, to make us energy dependent by finalizing a handful of power connectivity schemes.
Foreign Minister Dipu Moni said on July 18 that Bangladesh and India have taken a “political decision” on transit (read corridor) for India and a number of protocols regarding the transit would be finalized before the Indian PM’s scheduled visit to Bangladesh on September 6-7, which, Moni said, ‘are expected to be signed.’

Power & transportation

That message received a glowing reception in Delhi. The same day, Delhi gave mandate to its state-run power producers-NTPC and its appendix the Vidyut Vypar Nigam Ltd. (NVVN) – the mandate to export 250 MW of power to Bangladesh. “We are going to export 250 MW to Bangladesh from the 15 per cent unallocated power we have, and will develop 1,320 MW at Khulna,” NTPC Chairman and Managing Director, Arup Roy Choudhury, said on the sidelines of an energy seminar.

This particular move seems too hypocritical and unrealistic due to over 400 million Indian consumers still having no access to electricity; a fact that should have compelled Delhi to focus on providing electricity to its own people first before moving aggressively to set up transmission lines with Bangladesh under a dubious pact signed in July 2010 between the Power Grid Corporation of India Ltd and the BPDB of Bangladesh. This power connectivity is expected to be commissioned by early 2013, at a cost of US$ 190 million (around Rs 907 crore).

Already knee-deep into our telecommunication and RMG sectors with over $2 billion stakes, the Indian dash to overtake the transportation and the power sectors is as alarming as is the transit deal.

Yet, finance minister AMA Muhith disclosed last week that his government would spend $960 million of the $1 billion loan committed by the Indian Exim Bank to procure from India 300 double-decker buses, 50 single-decker, 50 articulated, 50 flat wagons, 180 oil tankers and a host of other vehicles and locomotives, in phases.

All these procurements remind one of the sordid memories created by the Indian Maruti taxicab procurement scam of 1998-2000, all those vehicles finding their places in junkyards in less than five years time. This time, the loans must be paid irrespective of the quality of the merchandise provided by India. More loans also mean more tax burden on ordinary people.

Diplomatic shamble

That’s not all. The Bangladesh ambassador in Kathmandu, Neem Chandra Bhowmik, was found by the Nepalese authorities to have indulged in a range of non-diplomatic activities, prompting the Nepalese foreign ministry to urge Dhaka for his immediate withdrawal from the Himalayan kingdom. One source said, some of the allegations against Bhowmik involved spying on behalf of India, something the Maoist-dominated Nepalese elites found utterly reprehensible, undiplomatic and damaging to their national interest. “Dhaka has launched an investigation to verify those allegations,” according to the source.


Neem Chandra Bhowmik involved spying on behalf of India

A former teacher of the Dhaka University, Bhowmik has been a leading stalwart in the Hindu-Buddhist-Christian Association of Bangladesh prior to his hand-picked, mysterious nomination in 2009 to serve as Bangladesh’s High Commissioner in Nepal. The army-backed caretaker regime once arrested and imprisoned him for stirring trouble between soldiers and students in August 2007.

If that was not enough, another hand-picked émigré academician cum diplomat had caused further embarrassment to the government by meeting last week with the exiled Tibetan leader, Dalai Lama, in New York. Dr. A.K. Abdul Momen, who too was chosen as a blue-eyed buddy of the PM to become Bangladesh’s Permanent Representative to the UN, did not even bother to ponder how his meeting with the Tibetan exiled leader would throw a deadly spanner on Bangladesh’s long-held one-China policy.

Free transit

For too long, an agile and doggedly arrogant pro-Indian cabal has showcased the transit deal as a cash cow for Bangladesh. Now, weeks before the deal is set to be inked and wrapped, the economic gains seem negative when the cost of maintaining and securing the infrastructure is subtracted from whatever may be levied as transit royalty from the ferrying Indian vehicles. Besides, not only our limited road infrastructures will be overcrowded-and the venomous wrath of secessionist forces of Indian north east, the Chinese anger notwithstanding, will be drawn into-there is no other tangible quid pro quo laced with the deal. Compare this with how diplomacy got conducted in the past. Soon after the partition of India in 1947, Nehru wrote to Jinnah seeking transit facilities from the Chittagong port to the Indian North Eastern states. Jinnah replied, “Excellency, this request can be honoured in a mutually beneficial manner. Please allow Pakistan to ferry goods from the Karachi port to East Pakistan via India.” Nehru never responded to that counter-offer.

Border dispute

That old-fashioned Indian bluff is called once again due to Delhi showing no intention of resolving the outstanding border demarcation issues with Bangladesh. The euphoria expressed on July 14 by Kamal Uddin Ahmed, a Bangladesh government official involved in the bilateral survey of population living in adverse possessions in both countries, that the so-called head count survey by 125 surveyors from both the countries would be completed in 7 days to prepare ground for the boundary dispute settlement during the Indian PM’s Dhaka visit, has turned sour within days.

On July 17, survey at the Mehgalaya-Bangladesh border had to be abandoned due to what the state-controlled Press Trust of India (PTI) said “difference of opinion between the two sides regarding the location of the international border.” Of course there is difference of opinion, but how long this stalemate can linger?

The decision to jointly verify the enclave population was taken last September and a Joint Boundary Working Group (JBWG) was created to resolve disputes along the Dibirhaor, Sripur, Tamabil, Sonarhat, Bichnakandi, Protappur and Lalakhal in Sylhet, abutting Meghalaya. Other enclaves slated for the survey and demarcation abut the Cooch Behar and Jalpaiguri districts of West Bengal, and, some are along the Kurigram, Nilphamari, Lalmonirhaat and Pachagarh districts of Bangladesh. The survey on hold, no deal on border dispute settlement is expected sooner.

Bitter past

That Delhi is reluctant to settle this combustive matter became clear from other indications. Indian officials claim the population of 111 Indian enclaves is around 100,400 while the 51 Bangladeshi enclaves inside India have 44,000 residents only. Bangladesh, on the other hand, claims it has 55 enclaves inside India and the population of those enclaves is about 150,000 to 300,000. The two nations share over 4,000 km of border, of which about 6.1 km was thought to have remained un-demarcated. Upon closer look, over 15 km of border is found un-demarcated.

Besides, according to Bangladeshi officials, 7,000 acres of Bangladeshi land is inside India and only 3,500 acres of Indian land inside Bangladesh, which India claims to be 17,000 acres. From these wide variations, one can deduce the prospect of additional danger, unless some agreements are arrived at sooner.

That notwithstanding, the tactic being applied by Delhi is reminiscent of what it did in the 1970s. Dhaka and Delhi signed a land border agreement in 1974 and Dhaka expeditiously executed, ratified and handed over the Tin Bigha corridor to India, in return for the Indian commitment to hand over Berubari to Bangladesh. But Delhi never bothered to return Berubari to Bangladesh.
Thus the border demarcation issue remained on the ice, and, for four decades, the residents of Berubari and other enclaves, who are virtually stateless refugees, crossed the international border every day for cultivation and other chores by enduring strict official formalities enforced by the Indian border security personnel.

Things turned further painful when, since 2003, India started to encircle Bangladesh by constructing barbed wire fencing at a cost of $ 3 billion, and, the killing and maiming of thousands of Bangladeshis by the BSF continued unabated. Faced with such hard facts, how Dhaka can concede to unreasonable pressures from Delhi is beyond a sane person’s comprehension.

In politics, permanent interest is more important than cosmetic friendship cloaked under a deceptive blend of hoodwink, guile and blackmailing. There are proxy wars in the Indian North East and they must conclude through political means. If the US can conciliate with the Taliban, Delhi should do the same with the ULFA and the others. Only then a transit through Bangladesh will be risk free.

Writ on Felani’s murder dismissed

Source : bdnews24.com, Google Image

Dhaka, Jan 30 (bdnews24.com) – The High Court has turned down the writ petition filed seeking measures to identify those who failed to protect ‘Felani’, killed by Indian border guards.

A High Court bench of justices A H M Samsuddin Chowdhury and Sheikh Mohammad Zakir Hossain passed the order on Sunday saying the charges were ‘not pressed’.

The National Forum for Protection of Human Rights filed the petition on Jan 17.

Counsel for the petitioner advocate Tajul Islam, told bdnews24.com, “As the court didn’t agree to give a positive direction on the issue, we appealed to the court to have the petition dismissed for not being pressed.”

He said, “If the court had given an order on the issue, further petitions could not be filed in the future.”

The petition was filed also seeking the court’s direction to take steps to stop the killing of Bangladeshi citizens along the Indian border and compensate Felani’s family.

The home secretary, the foreign secretary, the BGB director general, BGB’s Rangpur sector commander and 27 battalion commander were made defendants in the petition.

‘Felani’, 15, was shot dead by BSF at Anantapur on Jan 7. Locals said Felani’s father Nurul Islam Nuru hailed from Banarbhita village of Nageshwari and worked in Delhi.

Felani hangs on barbed wire

‘Felani’ was returning to Bangladesh with her father as her marriage had been settled with a local boy.

Hearing her screams, the BSF members gunned down her and took away the body

Nuru, however, managed to cross the barbed-wires with a ladder but Felani’s clothes got entangled in the wires. Hearing her screams, the BSF members gunned down her and took away the body.


New ULFA strategy challenges Bangladesh foreign policy

Source : HOLIDAY, Google Image

M. Shahidul Islam


ULFA Commander-in-Chief Paresh Baruah posed with his soldier in a recent video footage.

Much like the sinking stock market, our foreign policy parameters too have hit the precipice. Those who wanted to write off the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) by allowing Indian secret service members to capture and whisk out of Bangladesh the outfit’s leading personalities now find themselves boxed up and faced with a protracted dilemma involving major foreign policy implications.
Amidst a series of debacles since late 2009, the ULFA’s military command has re-organized its structure and strategy, posing enormous challenge to Bangladesh’s regional foreign policy pursuance and creating bitter acrimony with Delhi, despite the latter having succeeded so far in securing most of its desired concessions from the AL-led coalition regime.

Video footage
The re-organized senior command of ULFA, which that has been fighting a war of cessation since 1979 to liberate the Indian state of Assam from Delhi’s tutelage, has released on January 21 a video footage of its fighters from a remote hideout in Myanmar. Present among the guerrillas was their Commander-in-Chief, Paresh Baruah, who posed himself in battle fatigue to let the world know the group’s ability to outsmart Delhi and to carry on with its struggle to liberate Assam.
The orchestrated showmanship also had a lot to do with a series of decisions made by the AL-led coalition government since coming to power in early 2009. According to one source within the government, “process is underway to deport the outfit’s political guru and general secretary, Anup Chetia, from Bangladesh.” He seemed as yet unaware of the availability of the video footage of the outfit’s Commander- in- Chief.

ULFA political guru & General Secretary Anup Chetia

The source said the decision to handover Chetia to Indian authorities received a final nod during the recently concluded Home Secretary level meeting in Dhaka of the two neighbours.
Although much of what happened to the Dhaka -based ULFA leaders never got exposed to the public over the last two years. In December 2009 all hell broke loose following a spate of mysterious events resulting in the controversial apprehension from Dhaka – alleged by Indian law enforcers – of ULFA’s founding member, Arabinda Rajkhowa, his family members and a number of other leading personalities of the outfit.

India's notorious secret service Research and analysis wing (RAW) logo

Despite the uproars, Bangladesh authorities never confessed to carrying out those raids, resulting in Indian secret service members being blamed for forays inside Bangladesh, causing considerable embarrassment to a regime that has, by then, piqued enough suspicion of being blindly pro-Indian.
Besides, Bangladesh being a signatory to a number of international Conventions relating to the status of refugees, and, Chetia and his colleagues having applied for asylum pursuant to those conventions, the incidents spurred a number of legal complications.

Legal minefield
The issue began to degenerate into a major crisis during the army-backed caretaker (CT) regime when the Indian influence peddling multiplied and the CT tried to deport Chetia to India. In desperation and treading through a legal minefield, his counsel, Advocate Mohammad Abdus Sattar, formally applied to the UNHCR to have his client recognized as a convention refugee. Addressed to Antonio Guterres, head of the UNHCR, Chetia’s counsel wrote to the UNHCR, “Not only his prayer for asylum in Bangladesh did not make any headway, he was being detained beyond the statutory 7 years limit for illegally entering Bangladesh. He therefore needed UNHCR intervention as a person in need of protection.”
There is evidence to prove Chetia indeed had endured inhumane torture. He was first arrested in March 1991 in Assam, tortured in custody, but was later released by political intervention of then Chief Minister of Assam, Hiteswar Saikia. Fearing further arrest and threat to life, he fled to Bangladesh where he was again arrested on December 21, 1997 under the Foreigners Act and the Passports Act of Bangladesh. Sentenced to seven years of imprisonment, he was supposed to be freed in 2004, but still rots in Bangladesh prison without any justification.

Poisoned relations
Meanwhile, the Chetia factor had poisoned bilateral relations almost intermittently and the Indian request to extradite him remained stalled due to (1) his yet-to-be-disposed asylum application in Bangladesh court, and, (2) There being no extradition treaty between the two countries.
“Unless the court takes a decision denying Chetia’s claim for refugee status, or he himself withdraws his petition, the matter may not move further,” said a concerned source within the government. The crisis has meanwhile morphed into a major foreign policy headache, involving the compulsion to comply with international Conventions on one hand, and, adhering to the request of a friendly neighbour, on the other.
Sources say, Chetia is being approached and pressurized by mandated representatives of the Indian government to withdraw his asylum application in return for promise not to be harmed. But other ULFA leaders are not convinced.
Sensing an imminent danger to the outfit’s very existence, Paresh Barua, the military chief of the outfit, decided to re-cast the outfit and its stratagem from the mountain ranges astride Myanmar-China border. The latest video snapshot comes from one of those encampments where the temporary leadership of the outfit is currently based.
Curiously, Delhi never exerted the kind of pressure on Myanmar or China as it has been exerting on Bangladesh. This smacks of duplicity and dubiousness. May be the China factor is playing a major role in Delhi’s imbalanced attitude toward its smaller neighbours.
Be that what it may, our investigation shows, the 54-year-old Baruah has an anchor in China’s Yunnan province bordering Myanmar, and he often frequents between northern Myanmar’s Kachin areas and the Yannan of China. India’s external affairs minister, S M Krishna, had informed the Rajya Sabha last month that India had taken up with China the issue of Baruah’s presence in that country.
Meanwhile, a seemingly desperate Chief Minister of Assam, Tarun Gogoi, had said his government has received ‘encouraging signals’ from the ULFA for holding peace talks, something ULFA leadership never confirmed as yet.
All these prove one thing for certain: The Assam factor has internationalized to the level where a lasting peace with ULFA can only be achieved with cooperation from Bangladesh, Myanmar and China. Bangladesh is particularly pivotal to any peace deal due to the outfit’s political chief being inside Bangladesh prison and, Assam being sandwiched between China and Bangladesh.


BSF arrogance
Delhi may not be unaware of such realities, but its border force, the BSF, seems too haughty to acknowledge their ramifications. According to the Guardian newspaper (Jan. 23), killing of Bangladeshi citizens at the Indo-Bangladesh border ‘is endorsed by Indian officials.”
Any official endorsement of a policy makes that policy an official one, period. The Guardian report carries further evidence of that being the case; at a time when Indo-Bangladesh border shooting incidents created serious uproar in the global media outlets, especially since the brutal killing of a Bangladeshi teenager, Felani, last month.
Guardian reporter Brad Adams wrote, “India has the right to impose border controls. But India does not have the right to use lethal force except where strictly necessary to protect life. Yet some Indian officials openly admit that unarmed civilians are being killed.” The report adds, ” The head of the BSF, Raman Srivastava, says that people should not feel sorry for the victims, claiming that since these individuals were illegally entering Indian territory, often at night, they were “not innocent” and therefore were a legitimate target.” Even if one is goaded to accept such an illegitimate, foolhardy argument, can anyone show other example of unarmed civilians being shot to death in any other bordering areas of the world; in such huge numbers, so often, for so long?
That the government had failed to challenge Delhi on this particular count remains a matter of unmitigated shame and despair. It’s also a blot that can not be easily erased from the litany of undoing of a regime that knows not how to fashion a sustainable foreign policy.

Delhi’s Radar Control on Dhaka for Final Victory in the Great Game?

Source : news BD71

General Shankar’s warning is nothing new

Former Indian Chief of Indian Army General Shankar Roy Chowdhury in an interview published in the London edition of the Indian English daily on the 24th March has stated on a range of issues wherein two points seem to me to be critically important. One, in his verbatim, ‘Delhi can not afford to let Dhaka slip of its radar.’ Second, point there is what he termed as the issue of ‘Great Game’ at stake. The interview came at a time when Bangladesh has deeply been mourning the unprecedented savage killing of about five dozens of senior army officers in a mayhem for 33 hours at the BDR head quarter compound enclosure at the Peelkhana, Dhaka. Not only that the massacre was made in pre-planned way but also amazingly in full knowledge of the elected government, not excluding the P.M., Sheikh Hasina. In fact, she admitted to have known the news and appeal from the BDR DG Major General Shakil Ahmad right at the start of the killing started in frenzy that the DG was still alive and so sent a SOS to the P.M. Hasina at about 9 in the morning of 25 February to save his life and other army officers under attack. The killers happened to the BDR Jawans in the main who claimed to have some grievances of lower pay, poor service conditions, lack of full ration, and along with that misbehavior of the bosses who happened to be all from the regular army and not from the BDR cadre itself that also made one of their grievances.
The BDR massacre engineered not for petty demands

Could the grievances of the petty kind and demand to fulfill them might have led to the kind of unprecedented killing and massacre of about 60 brilliant and high ranking army officers, violating their women, looting of the valuables from the houses of those fell victims, defiling of the dead bodies, putting them into mass graves, throwing some dead bodies into sewerage manholes to flow down the drains all those brutality continued for 33 hours the BDR Jawans kept on hold and none, much less army commando permitted to intervene by the P.M., despite appeals from the army end to save lives of those being killed inside the BDR Head quarter enclosure. Who is to blame for the whole bits and pieces of the unprecedented brutal massacre? Only those who perpetrated the mayhem? None else is to blame anything for in the top of the administrative hierarchy?
Indian media’s propaganda galoreDelhi and Indian media, however, did pass on enough of information in regard to the their perception of who might have been behind the scene. They blamed the game on to the ISI or the Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence agency and their operatives. They further discovered that the whole brutality was engineered to destabilize the seven weeks old government of Bangladesh led by Sheikh Hasina, and so Pronob, the Foreign Affairs Minister of Delhi issued open threat for saving Hasina against any such machinations. General Shankar’s warning to Bangladesh is the latest one in the line. But may be Shankar an army person avoided mincing words, and instead was straight forward in warning Bangladesh and also clearly hinting at India that Delhi can’t afford to let Bangladesh slip of the radar control of Delhi or of full control and surveillance of bigger and powerful India. He reminded as well the issue of ‘Great Game’ of the past that gave India at times victory and at other defeat that happens in case of war between two powers.
Geographical disability and Indian evil design

The surveillance and all round control of Bangladesh by India are easily appreciable to all of average intelligence as she continued to do since the onset in 1972. But the other issue of Great game may not be clearly and readily understood by all of Bangladesh. As I understand, it is a matter of historical truth that the generation of the recent period is very much ignorant not for their own fault as the new generation turned helpless victims of truths of history for propaganda galore around than facts of truth even in school history books.
Akhanda BharatIndia’s Great Game is well known to be directed for reestablishing the AKHANDA BHARAT or reunited pre-Aryan India including Afghanistan in the western end to Thailand in the East and so with further eye in the far East Asia – Indonesia and the Philippines. Bangladesh is the immediate and the first target in the Great Game in continuing conflict of the regional history. That is why they foiled the newly created East Bengal and Assam Province in early twentieth century (1905-1911). Then again 1947 partition and creation of East Pakistan became eye swore for them for the mid twentieth century partition went against the same Great Game. General Shankar has been very candidly clear that the 1971 war victory for India happened to be the first of the Great Game. He also lamented though that in August 1975 India had a defeat in the continuing game when their own man, Hasina’s father, was toppled from the State power in Dhaka. Since then they have been looking for scope for victory here in Bangladesh. Shankar did not make any hide and seek, much less minced words, in the fact that they have now Hasina in Dhaka that must pave their victory following the defeat of 1975. The radar thus has been set in the finest tune. Whether the BDR massacre of the late February had been orchestrated for the game plan is not clear from his statement. But the fact that they would rescue Hasina at any cost that people have been hearing from the horse’s mouth and all media gave a clear signal to Dhaka that Delhi is in all way out for Hasina and not for Bangladesh, much les the overwhelming people’s deep feelings of wound for the unforgettable massacre of many of its highly decorated brilliant sons.
India’s interest for weak Bangladesh defense

Weakening of the defense of Bangladesh is for nobody’s interest but for Delhi and Delhi alone. During the first decade Bangladesh defense was at a dismal state. It then never had any self-confidence to fight for preservation of the country’s sovereignty in practically facing Indian big army. But since late 1970s onwards for the last three decades Bangladesh army including the BDR has been continually raised to such a position that it can confidently resist aggression against the sovereignty of Bangladesh. That the confidence so build up in Bangladesh and in the defense, in particular, can not escape notice of India’s AKHANDA BHARAT design that they may well consider it a sort of threat against their winning in the Great Game. That is why one would imagine that Delhi might have planned to weaken both of our regular armed forces and the BDR, the second line of defense.
RAW’s operation in Bangladesh

It is well known in intellectual circle that Indian central intelligence agency, R&AW, has had planned and implemented Delhi’s many operations in Bangladesh for the goal Delhi has in view for their hegemony and control in the region. Shankar has mentioned not many but one of such instance in the interview. That was that R&AW had tried to feed much information about the overthrow of Mujib from the State power. But Mujib hardly cared for them that brought tragically his down fall in August 1975. Curiously enough, Shankar did not say anything about President Zia’s killing in 1981 that the R&AW had not only planned for years but also implemented with all ferocity. That the R&AW first did not have nod in the matter from an Indian P.M. and then subsequently got the nefarious scheme for killing Zia approved by Indira Gandhi in early 1980, the successive P.M. in her second term, was later on made public in Indian media itself. Hasina’s six year training under R&AW’s care and protection in Delhi’s South Block during August 1975 to mid May 1981 is a record of history. That she tried to flee Bangladesh on the day President Zia was killed in Chittagong on the 30th May 1981 by some rebels just only after 17 days of Hasina’s homecoming from self exile in India made possible by Zia’s charity and broadmindedness is also a matter of authentic history of Bangladesh.

Indian hegemony against Bangladesh

India as she wished may not desist herself from the hegemonic game plan. But despite being a much smaller country, Bangladesh must preserve her independence and sovereignty against any adversary. I would have thus thought that India should start to respect the sovereignty of Bangladesh, and try to make friendship with Bangladesh and not with any particular party or a person. Hasina just like her father Mujib had has all vengeance against the army since the historic event of August 1975. That hatred psyche of Hasina against the army should not urge India to hate and attempt to destroy the patriotic Bangladesh Army. Despite death wishes of Delhi to directly and militarily interfere into the internal affairs of Bangladesh, I am sure, the patriotic army and people would teach the aggressor in the Great Game a good lesson, despite Hasina’s working as a fifth columnist and lackey from within.
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